Posted May 4th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

CHANGING FACE OF VITAL CARICOM ARM After Bernal what next for the CRNM?

By Rickey Singh

NOW THAT Ambassador Richard Bernal, a professional economist with some 35 years of experience, has offered his resignation as Director General of the Caribbean Regional

Negotiating Machinery (CRNM), two related questions arise:

What, if any, effort has been made by the political directorate of the Caribbean Community to retain his services, and secondly, what arrangements are to be pursued for the CRNM to maintain its current identity as an institution of CARICOM in international trade negotiations?

Perhaps, for a start, some response could come from Jamaica's Prime Minister Bruce Gelding as chairman of the Prime Ministerial Sub-Committee on External Economic Negotiations; if not, Calico’s current chairman Prime Minister Hubert Ingra ham of The Bahamas.

For all the current and earlier controversies it has attracted over the eleven years of its existence, the CRNM has clearly earned its reputation as a very valuable mechanism in this region's engagement with the international community.

As passionate debates continue over the pluses and minuses of the concluded Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and the Caribbean Forum (CARICOM and Dominican Republic), there has come the announcement of Bernal's resignation from the CRNM, effective June 30, to join the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) as an alternate executive director for the Caribbean, in the first instance.

Bernal, who had also distinguished himself as a Washington-based ambassador for Jamaica, has been serving the CRNM, which has lead responsibility for trade negotiations, for almost six and half years as Director General.

He had assumed that post following the departure of Sir Striate Raphael, whose immense reputation as a key regional player in the inauguration of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group, had enabled him to give visionary leadership to the CRNM during its first four years when he served as Chief Negotiator.

With Sir Alistair McIntyre joining Raphael as Chief Technical Adviser to build a solid foundation for the CRNM, Jamaica's former Prime Minister, P.J. Patterson, long-term chairman of Calico’s Prime Ministerial Sub-Committee on External Economic Negotiations, was to place on record in 2001 that:

"There is no gainsaying that the RNM has served us well and is now regarded as a model for developing countries engaged in other arenas of external economic negotiations..."

Admirers/detractors

Consistent with Calico’s policies to widen and deepen the region's economic integration movement, Raphael had steered the CRNM into wider Caribbean waters, beyond the shores of CARICOM, to include the Dominican Republic and Cuba in what constitutes CARIFORUM for structured international negotiations.

For his part, Bernal's leadership as Director General, enabled by a team of Caribbean professionals, will best be remembered for the intense, complex and very challenging negotiations he led over some four years, concluding with last December's initialing of a full Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU.

Bernal has his admirers and stout defenders--including most of the Community's Heads of Government--but also a quota of EPA detractors, among them leading regional economists and scholars with differing perspectives on likely negative impact of the EPA on Calico’s quest for a seamless regional economy by 2015.

Never one to run way from an intellectual challenge, Bernal would only say, when questioned why he chose to resign now from the CRNM, that: "I think it is time to move on…"

Was he frustrated, as being unofficially suggested, by differences with the CARICOM Secretariat, with which the CRNM collaborates in fulfilling its mandated functions and reporting, as required, to the Prime Ministerial Sub-Committee on External Economic Negotiations, as well as COTED (Council for Trade and Economic Development)?

His reply: "I prefer not to get involved in details at this time...but I have introduced a succession plan involving very able and experienced colleagues, and given the quality of support they deserve, I look forward to the CRNM continuing to serve the best interests of the Caribbean region..."

Successor--Gill?

Bernal has let it be known that Senior Director, Henry Gill, is his choice to succeed him as Director General. Currently acting in the post, while Bernal is on leave, Gill is viewed as part of the institutional memory of the CRNM. He has served, variously, under Ramphal as Chief Negotiator; McIntyre as Chief Technical Adviser and Bernal as current Director General.

A national of Trinidad and Tobago, Gill is well recognised for his expertise in international relations, working with regional, hemispheric and international agencies and institutions over the years that covered foreign policy, international trade and regional integration

A former Deputy Permanent Secretary of the Caracas-based Latin American Economic System (SELA), Gill worked as an independent consultant for some years with United Nations agencies, European Commission, Organisation of American States, CARICOM and the Association of Caribbean States before joining the CRNM in 1999.

A smooth transition is, therefore, expected when Bernal demits office by June 30 to join the IDB. Before his appointment as CRNM Director General, he had played a leading role in numerous negotiations on behalf of Jamaica and CARICOM, including agreements on investment, intellectual property rights, trade agreements and debt reduction agreements with the international financial institutions.

Attention will soon be focused on the future role of the CRNM, as preliminary arrangements get underway for the coming negotiations for a long overdue new partnership accord between CARICOM and Canada.

The role of the CRNM under new leadership is expected to be discussed at the forthcoming annual CARICOM Summit scheduled for July in St. John's Antigua, when this region's implementation strategy for the EPA will be considered.

There has been much focus on differing views on the concluded negotiations for a comprehensive EPA--in accordance with a mandate of our Heads of Government--but precious little indication of what implementation strategies are being put in place for what is now viewed as a "done deal", awaiting the ceremonial signing.

Posted April 27th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

CARICOM'S CHALLENGE IN FOOD CRISIS Jamaica/Guyana rice spat

By Rickey Singh

THE CURRENT spat between Jamaica and Guyana over rice shipments to this country, consistent with a prevailing agreement, is yet another indication of problems being thrown up by a widening food crisis that is now a world-wide challenge.

Claims by Jamaican importers and distributors about Guyana's default on pledged export commitment has been firmly denied by Guyanese exporters. The matter has also led to an assurance by the Bharrat Jagdeo administration that "all efforts will be made" to ensure that no CARICOM partner is affected by bilateral private sector arrangements covering quantity, quality and pricing.

An aggravating factor which has developed is the warning from the Bruce Golding administration to officially seek an urgent waiver of CARICOM's Common External Tariff (CET) to permit importation of rice to satisfy local demands.

There lies the rub. A waiver of the CET can only be approved if it has been clearly established that the exporting member state is not in a position to honour its commitment as agreed.

Jamaica importers would be aware how this position has been reaffirmed and sustained in the face of repeated efforts in the past by Trinidad and Tobago to annually seek a CET waiver that could facilitate importation of parboiled rice from extra-regional sources and at more favourable prices.

For the CET to be suspended expediently will render it ineffective as an instrument to protect regional production and marketing of commodities. Rice is one such commodity, whether the exporter is Guyana or Suriname, that can hardly be expected to compete against heavily subsided rice coming into this region from foreign markets, for example, the USA.

The attention being paid to careful management of the letter and spirit of the CET, as protected by the CARICOM treaty, was well highlighted by last year's special meeting in Guyana of the Community's Council for Trade and Economic Development (COTED) when some adjustments to the CET were considered for extra-regional imports to help cushion rising prices on consumer goods impacting on the general cost of living.

It is perhaps symptomatic of the problems we face in CARICOM that, instead of focusing on macro-economic challenges, there is this tendency to quickly adjust or dismantle mechanisms as short-term responses without any clear indication of initiatives to follow for long-term gains

Only recently, for instance, has there emerged some fresh talking about an old idea--namely a regional food production and marketing plan. Of course, as some may well recall, a much-mooted Caribbean Food Corporation (CFC) collapsed within a few years of existence in the decade of the 80s for lack of sustained commitment and proper management.

Familiar scenario

Now, at a time of the international food crisis, CARICOM governments , for too long heavily dependent on food imports, to the detriment of local/regional food production, are wringing hands as they make familiar complaints and suggestions amid rising tension over skyrocketing cost of living: Jamaica's own problem with rice imports from Guyana has to be viewed in this context

CARICOM, currently in its 35th year of existence, has never been short of good ideas to cope with social and economic challenges resulting from international developments. What it continues to suffer from is an outstanding deficit in its delivery capacity to move ideas/recommendations from the drawing board into positive action.

That's why, from the visionary presentation by the late Prime Minister Eric Williams on "oil and food" back in 1975, to the current "Jagdeo Initiative", named after Guyana's President Bharrat Jagdeo, on regional agriculture expansion and transformation, failures to promote decisive change continue to spawn region-wide cynicism in the absence of concrete action to make a reality of the plethora of ideas and recommendations from endless Heads of Government and ministerial meetings.

Interestingly, when Dr Williams offered his ideas on dealing with a then looming food crisis in 1975--it was also a time of international concerns over rising fuel prices. His imagination had linked Trinidad and Tobago's oil and natural gas resources to a policy for regional expansion and diversification of agricultural development to ensure food security.

Food production he felt should be approached as a basic industry to be run on "commercial lines by a corporation collectively owned by the governments of the area and making approved investments in the different territories...."

Six years later, the report of a group of experts on "The Caribbean Community--In the 1980s", headed by William Demas, noted that the region had become during the decade of the 70s, a net importer of food and agricultural products".

It welcomed CARICOM's response to adopt a Regional Food Plan and the establishment of a Caribbean Food Corporation (CFC) to assist in implementing the Plan.

Current realities

Well, the CFC has long ceased to exist since it lacked the active support of the governments to have it function as a business-oriented organisation with proven technical and business experience to complement and supplement private sector involvement in agricultural production and marketing. No government talks today about the CFC.

Some of the current crop of Community leaders and agriculture ministers may need to familiarise themselves with the circumstances that led to its creation and subsequent demise, amid all the fresh talk about "grow more food; eat what we produce" when, that is, they are not rowing among themselves over adjustments to CARICOM's Common External Tariff (CET) to facilitate on an ad hoc basis, competitive imports of consumer commodities from extra-regional exporters.

In Trinidad and Tobago, where in the post-Eric Williams' era agriculture development fell victim to a more concentrated emphasis on the energy sector, the Patrick Manning administration is currently in a frenzy to raise hopes for a "new day" for food production".

He is doing so with mixed signals about "having the situation under control". Under control? Does ANY of our Community have the "food crisis" under control, including Guyana and Belize, identified in the "Group of Experts Report on CARICOM in the 1980s" as the potential "bread baskets" of CARICOM?

On the other hand, while the government of Prime Minister Golding is lamenting the fact that Jamaica's food imports were "out of control"--a problem for most CARICOM states--in Guyana the Jagdeo government is expressing disappointment of a different order:

It has to do, as Jagdeo said, with the failure by fellow Heads of Government to go beyond "mere expressions of interest" in taking up his offer for cooperation in utilising the country's vast land resources for a significant boost for food production to meet regional needs as well as for competitive extra-regional exports. The CARICOM food imports bill is currently estimated at US$3 Billion.

In fairness, Prime Minister Manning has been more forthcoming in the interest shown so far by CARICOM leaders in a land-for-food project with Guyana. Nor is it clear about what extent President Jagdeo himself has sufficiently fleshed out his land-for-food idea as a regional project.

Major funding would be involved for such a project and most likely will feature among projects envisaged for the forthcoming CARICOM Agriculture Investment Forum scheduled to take place in Guyana from June 9-10.

A preparatory forum for the coming June event was held in Guyana just over a week ago, as arranged by the Community Secretariat. It will require a high level of public/private sector partnership with commitments linked also to pledges made at an international aid donor conference in June last year in Port-of-Spain.

Posted April 20th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

MEDIA--FREEDOM WITH RESPONSIBILITY Violations focus on Jamaica and Guyana

By Rickey Singh

THE RIGHT TO press freedom and the wider freedom of expression is best protected by an obligation on the part of journalists and media enterprises to appreciate how indivisible are freedom and responsibility.

Over the long years of my involvement in Caribbean journalism and working relations with regional media enterprises, I have been increasingly sensitised to the twin pillars of freedom and responsibility and how well the concept serves the interest of the media profession, media enterprises and the public we seek to serve. I am grateful for the education.

I have also been exposed to the irresponsible behaviour of some media practitioners and media houses that often betray a penchant for irresponsible journalism that shows contempt for the concept of 'freedom with responsibility'. :|

They are among those quick to passionately shout "denial of press freedom", or "danger to freedom of expression", when their individual/collective abuses are challenged and threats of sanctions are raised, or enforced.

Why am I engaging in such observations at this time? It relates, primarily, to two separate media developments of current interest and debates--one in Jamaica, the other in Guyana.

Both are examples of what can happen when owners/operators violate the letter and spirit of a broadcast licence to the serious hurt of private/public individuals in facilitating reckless abuse of freedom of expression by failure to ensure application of relevant regulatory mechanisms.

Jamaica examples

The first case involved the Broadcasting Commission of Jamaica (BCJ) and Universal Media Company (UMC), operator of "NewsTalk 93FM" jointly owned by the University of the West Indies (Mona Campus) as majority shareholder, and Breakfast Club Limited. Managing Director of the radio station is Anthony Abrahams.

As broadcast licensee, UMC was accused by the BCJ of having committed "an extremely grave breach" of Jamaica's 'Television and Sound Broadcasting Regulations as well as the "Children's Code for Programming" in the transmission of its "NewsTalk" broadcast on January 2 last.

The highly reputable BCJ, currently headed by Dr Hopetun Dunn, a media and communication specialist, conducted an investigation into the offensive "NewsTalk" programme. The probe revealed that the programme hosted by Dr Kingsley Stewart, had indulged in an "uninterrupted monologue" lasting in excess of half an hour, laced with "highly derogatory, shameful, shocking and improper language" against a female administration staff member of the UWI.

While in the process of considering recommended sanction, the UMC's "NewsTalk" call-in programme, again with Stewart as host, further complicated the problem of violations of its broadcast license, by permitting the transmission of "racial slurs and derogatory remarks about persons of Indian descent (in Jamaica)..."

The regulations prohibit transmission of "any statement or comment upon race, colour, creed, religion or sex of any person which is abusive or derogatory. It also violated the 'Children's Code for Programming' with the use of prohibited language..."

Significantly, as noted by Chairman Dunn, it was only after the Commission had made recommendations for suspension of the UMC's licence, unless appropriate disciplinary action and remedial measures, including internal relevant internal controls, were pursued, that some efforts were made for compliance. There are provisions for suspension of a licence for up to three months, if necessary.

However, following the intervention by Minister of Information, Olivia 'Babsy' Grange, the path to recommended suspension of licence was avoided, based on an understanding that disciplinary action, remedial measures and effective management oversight will be undertaken. For a start, Dr Stewart was not hosting the "NewsTalk" call-in programme-- at the time of writing.

Guyana scenario

While Jamaicans were focused on the BCJ's case against UMC's violations of its broadcast licence, controversies were spreading over the decision last week by Guyana's President Bharrat Jagdeo (who holds responsibility for information and communication), to suspend for four months the operational licence of the privately-owned television station, "CNS Channel 6".

The core of the dispute was that the station, owned and operated by Chandra Narine Sharma, a businessman, opposition politician and host of a regular "Voice of the People" call-in programme, had transmitted a broadcast on February 21 that contained criminal incitement, specifically against President Jagdeo. Worse, it was thrice repeated without any editing of the offensive remarks, in particular a threat to "kill Jagdeo".

The offensive broadcast by CNS Channel 6---one of some dozen television stations operating in an unregulated, wild-west atmosphere in Guyana--in direct contrast to what obtains in Jamaica--had touched a very raw nerve with one female caller making the threat: "I am going to kill (President) Jagdeo if anything is going to happen to my family..."

That programme was first broadcast at a time of widespread tension and fear against the backdrop of the massacres at Lusignan and Bartica that sent President Jagdeo engaging in public meetings with appeals for peace and assurances of firm actions against armed criminals.

Having offered an apology for the offensive threat to "kill", following an intervention by the Advisory Committee on Broadcasting (ACB)--which has neither the stature nor power of a regulated body like the Broadcasting Commission of Jamaica--Sharma's station was to repeat, unedited, the controversial programme--THRICE, only to offer some clumsy excuses, including blaming staffers for errors made.

In the circumstances, and given the gravity of the threat to "kill" the President, Sharma was invited, first by Head of the Presidential Secretariat, Dr Roger Luncheon, to show cause why his broadcast licence should not be suspended.

When he failed to show up for the meeting with Luncheon, another was arranged with President Jagdeo. By then Sharma had moved with his lawyers to the court to prevent the contemplated suspension sanction.

As Head of Government and holding responsibility for information and communication, Jagdeo felt there was really no remorse by CNS 6 for the transgression that had taken place with the threat to commit a criminal act. Therefore, he suspended the station's licence for four months.

There is no doubt about the recklessness on the part of CNS 6 and the politics being played out in a country that stands in great need for appreciation of the concept of media freedom with responsibility.

Yet, the four-month suspension seems very harsh--even for a licensee like Sharma, noted for unpredictable behaviour. It deserves to be revisited. The suspension case has reached the High Court and the Attorney General, Doodnauth Singh, is scheduled to make a written submission to the presiding judge by Wednesday.

Whatever the outcome of the CNS 6 suspension issue, it is evident that, as in the case involving "NewsTalk 93FM" in Jamaica, there are lessons to be learnt by the broadcast media and all advocates of freedom of expression to have a regulated environment that respects the necessity to blend freedom with responsibility.

Posted April 13th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

GOING AFTER THE CRIMINALS CARICOM's new fighting mood

By Rickey Singh

AS ONE OF the trio of CARICOM states most affected by the spread of violent criminality, Guyana has decided to move with haste to have legislation and administrative measures in place in accordance with the "strategy and action plan" resulting from last weekend's "Crime and Security Summit' in Port-of-Spain.

The Guyana Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Legal Affairs have been mandated to take all necessary action within the next fortnight to move the process forward for implementation of approximately 31 specific initiatives.

These are outlined in about a dozen broad headings under the unanimously agreed to "strategy and action plan" at the two-day summit at the Trinidad Hilton.

For its part, the government of Trinidad and Tobago--which, along with Jamaica, comprises the trio of most affected CARICOM states by the crime epidemic--has announced the vigorous pursuit of a "citizens’ security programme".

This will be initially focused on 22 communities afflicted by high rates of crime and violence, with funding provided from a BDS$49 million loan recently secured from the Inter-American Development Bank for a security programme.

The Jamaica government, on the other hand, has signalled new approaches on spending, monitoring operations and performances of its law enforcement agencies with the hope of countering the very unflattering, negative image of the country as the "murder capital in the face of spiralling crime and violence".

It was not among initiatives announced at last weekend's CARICOM 'Summit on Crime and Security', but both Prime Minister Bruce Golding and a leading criminologist of the region were making separate calls for "serious" studies into the root causes of our current crime epidemic as that special meeting of Heads of Government ended.

The Jamaican Prime Minister restricted his proposal for a "serious study" to the two CARICOM states with the highest rates of murder--Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. He explained that such a course should be pursued together since he was "not sure the causes are the same in both countries..."

There are undoubtedly various academic studies on the causes of deep-seated crime and violence in member states of our Community.

Root causes

Poverty is often singled out as a primary factor, although the Trinidad and Tobago experience can hardly be so categorised. In comparison, for instance, to Jamaica with its history of political linkages to gun crimes, especially in the so-called "garrison constituencies".

However, a joint two-state assessment of the root causes of persistent high rates of murder and criminal violence in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, as envisaged by Mr. Golding, could prove revealing in its findings and also helpful to other Community states being bludgeoned by the criminal enterprise at large-- Guyana, The Bahamas, St. Lucia and Grenada being among the victims.

Trinidadian criminologist, Professor Ramesh Deosaran, who heads the Centre for Criminology and Criminal Justice at the UWI's St Augustine Campus, has been reported by the Caribbean Media Corporation as saying that CARICOM governments must "dig more deeply into the causes of crime; and the connection of such causes and implications to the administration of justice."

Spending more money to boost intelligence gathering and dissemination of 'strategic information--(two of the measures decided at the crime and security summit)--may prove useful, said Deosaran.

Nevertheless, it is the extent and quality of work done on the ground level that could be decisive in combating the spiralling criminality with its threatening dimensions of illegal arms and drug trafficking.

Still, the "Hilton summit" may yet prove a watershed event in regional decision-making. It took place against the backdrop of the two recent cases of mind-boggling massacres in Guyana (Lusignan and Bartica), and at a most challenging time for restoration of public confidence in our law enforcement agencies to successfully combat rampant violent crime.

Their opponents and detractors may disagree, but the Community's leaders did reveal a welcome mood to vigorously have in place policies, programmes and mechanisms, as sketched in their menu of announced decisions "for action".

Writing in this column last week, I had noted that the Community's leaders have to break new ground, in their hoeing of an admittedly hard row, to restore public confidence for success in the war against crime and violence.

Moving together

I think that an objective assessment of the range of specific decisions unanimously taken at their 'Hilton Summit', should support the contention that the Heads of Government have shown appreciation that it cannot be business as usual; and that new initiatives must be vigorously and methodically pursued--together.

In that spirit, was offered for public information a menu of measures the leaders considered for action. It is, however, relevant to observe the crucial difference between decisions taken for new initiatives and implementation of measures in support of those decisions.

Unfortunately, there has evolved a tradition in CARICOM of a yawning gap between decisions and implementation.

For instance, among the raft of measures they have encouragingly agreed to pursue are examples for which previous and current governments could share blame. These would include establishment of a 'criminal justice protection programme' and the deportation to their respective homelands of CARICOM nationals who have committed serious crimes in foreign countries--mainly the USA, United Kingdom and Canada.

They are projects listed among others for joint action by CARICOM and the USA in the 'Bridgetown Accord' of 1997 at the first-ever summit to take place on Caribbean soil with an American President (Bill Clinton). Very little was done to effectively deal with either.

In the circumstances, a new spirit in cooperation to achieve substantial progress in the implementation of the "Decisions of the Hilton Summit' seems necessary among CARICOM states and between CARICOM and traditional allies like the USA, European Union and Canada.

The decisions extend from signing, by the time of their forthcoming annual summit in July this year, of a "Maritime and Airspace Cooperation Agreement to expand and strengthen mechanisms for regional intelligence gathering and sharing; and creating joint investigative management teams.

Other initiatives to be pursued include acquisition of more sophisticated technologies to counter drug and arms trafficking; protection of witnesses, jurors and law enforcement personnel in criminal cases before the courts; and exploring the establishment of a "rapid deployment regional joint force" in emergencies;

The governments and law enforcements agencies would need the support of the region's people to succeed in their challenging objectives to win the fight against the criminals and forces undermining national/regional security.

The anti-crime 'action plan' includes a region-wide education initiative to sensitise the public to the united battle against the criminals at large.

Posted April 6th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

CARICOM's promised anti-crime plan Focus on today's 'summit statement'

By Rickey Singh

BY THIS evening, we should know something -- if not in precise details -- of the promised new "regional strategy and action plan" to be pursued by our Caribbean Community's governments to combat spreading violent criminality and strengthen our security.

The challenges they face are being addressed at the two-day special summit that started yesterday at the Trinidad Hilton in Port-of-Spain, and concludes today under the chairmanship of host Prime Minister, Patrick Manning.

The 'Hilton Summit, at which President Bharrat Jagdeo was among participating Heads of Government, was preceded by a series of pre-summit meetings that involved police and army chiefs; leading government officials and Ministers responsible for National Security and Law Enforcement.

It was at their two-day 19th Inter-Sessional Meeting in Nassau, The Bahamas last month that the CARICOM leaders agreed to have this weekend's ‘special summit’ in Port-of-Spain to "fully explore the crime and security issues facing the region" and to "agree to a 'Strategy and Action Plan' to stem the rising tide of violent criminality..."

Well, having raised public expectations by that promise, the moment for hard, realistic decisions -- some likely to raise questions on the very sensitive issue of ‘national sovereignty’ -- may be now for the leaders to show firm resolve to effectively arrest the slide into the hellish dungeon of the armed criminals and terrorists causing mayhem in too many states across the region.

With reports of record-breaking rates of gun-related killings, armed robberies and escalating gang warfare, related to drugs and arms trafficking, the Community's leaders would know that it cannot be business as usual. Vital economic sectors like tourism and plans for education, social and cultural developments are being jeopardised.

In the circumstances, the leaders simply have to break new ground, in their hoeing of an admittedly hard row, to restore public confidence in the law enforcement agencies that's currently at a critical low level in some member states -- with Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana seemingly the top three. New initiatives

The primary challenge, therefore, for the ‘special summit’ concluding today at the Hilton, is how creative and bold our Community leaders will be in coming forward with new initiatives to pursue within, or outside the framework of what exists as a ‘CARICOM security regime’.

The ‘extraordinary joint meeting’ of police and army chiefs they had mandated in Nassau, has taken place in Georgetown, Guyana, and a report was placed before Ministers responsible for National Security and Law Enforcement ahead of the 'Hilton Summit'.

When crime and security agenda issues were raised at the Nassau meeting, the discussion had focused on largely trodden ground in relation to arrangements that were established for Cricket World Cup 2007.

The legacy from that historic effort to guard our collective sovereignty against criminals and terrorists include mechanisms such as the Regional Intelligence Fusion Centre (RIFC) and IMPACS (Implementation Agency for Crime and Security).

With CWC ‘07 now history, question is how effective are such mechanisms to assist in meeting the prevailing threats, the daring challenges coming from well-connected criminal networks, armed with sophisticated communications technology and high-powered weapons. Some of the criminal networks are reputedly linked to rogue elements in the security forces -- and corrupt public officials and business people.

Consequently, it is felt that, along with having more boots on the ground and vehicles at their disposal, a new emphasis should be placed on intelligence gathering with specially screened and trained personnel confirming to clearly defined roles and lines of accountability as part of a new strategy that rewards competence and integrity but penalises incompetence and corruption.

Intelligence information-sharing, it is felt, should also be linked to a new policy of intra-regional personnel-sharing at specific levels of security forces, without placing undue stress on limited manpower resources for any national jurisdiction.

Further, that encouragement should be given to developing a common regional policy that promotes best practices in appointments and promotions within police services in particular and associated with a programme for regular inter-actions among middle-level and top-ranking personnel.

Such an approach, according to some current and former top cops, should be pursued in preference to the recruiting of foreign personnel which should be resorted to only in exceptional cases that can bear independent scrutiny.

Currently, there are furores in a few CARICOM states – St Lucia and Antigua and Barbuda readily come to mind -- where foreign cops hold top and other key positions to the dissatisfaction of locals.

Outstanding issues

Among issues this weekend's crime and security summit expected to be visited at the scheduled two-day 'special summit' will be criminal deportees, primarily from the USA; the creation of a regional witness protection programme -- in the face of a growing trend of prosecution witnesses in murder and other criminal cases being shot to death, at times execution-style.

A proposal for changes to the treaty of the Barbados-based Regional Security System (RSS) to facilitate expansion of its membership and restructuring to serve as an anti-crime rapid response mechanism in emergencies is also to emerge.

Truth is, they are all old issues. For instance, expansion of the RSS -- originally established against the backdrop of the US military invasion of Grenada in 1983 -- to include more than Eastern Caribbean states.

The possibility of having countries like Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana in the RSS was raised back in 1990 following the aborted coup of the Jamaat-al-Muslimeen against the administration of then Prime Minister ANR Robinson. Subsequent discussions did not result in any action to change the RSS status quo.

The idea of a regional anti-crime rapid response mechanism, functioning either within or outside of the RSS, was advanced by former Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Lester Bird some years ago. Now, his successor, Prime Minister Baldwin Spencer, is showing a keen interest to have the RSS placed on CARICOM's agenda in the context of current concerns on crime and security.

There is also much talk, once again, about new forms of CARICOM-USA cooperation on issues, such as criminal deportees and trafficking in arms and drugs, following last June's meeting in Washington with President George Bush and Community leaders and, just recently, with US Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere, Thomas Shannon during fleeting stop-over visits to some CARICOM states.

Perhaps our Heads of Government should revisit the ‘Partnership for Prosperity and Security Accord’ of 1997 signed in Barbados between then President Bill Clinton and CARICOM Heads of Government.

An audit of what initiatives were taken since then -- or actions ignored -- could be made to the ‘Justice and Security’ segment of that ‘Bridgetown Accord’ that covered issues like arms and drugs trafficking; criminal deportees; and establishment of a criminal justice witness protection programme.

CARICOM leaders need to remind themselves, as should also key decision-makers in Washington, that at the core of the crime and security problems and challenges we face in this region from arms and drugs trafficking that have shaken the very foundation of the rule of law environment in a number of countries, are the illicit drugs flowing from Latin America and the illegal arms and ammunition coming from the United States of America.

Posted March 30th. 2008 - Guyana Chronicle

Cooperation and governance in CARICOM Questions on decision-making Analysis

By Rickey Singh

NEW INFORMATION coming out of the 'Nassau Summit' of CARICOM leaders confirm that they remain at a distance from advancing the governance mechanisms of the Community, foremost being the long-mooted high-level commission, empowered with executive authority, to ensure implementation of decisions.

Further, as they continue to reaffirm commitment to the creation of a CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) by 2015, it is becoming evident that the quasi-cabinet system introduced some years ago, with specific portfolio responsibilities assigned to the Heads of Government, requires urgent critical review in the face of yawning gaps between discussions and decisions that are shelved or being ignored.

While a new emphasis is being placed on the establishment of Prime Ministerial Sub-committees -- the latest one created by the March 7-8 meeting in Nassau on 'Functional Cooperation' -- there are also new questions on the criteria for selection to these bodies, their modalities of operations, and how assessments are made to determine their effectiveness.

In this prevailing situation, and with no action yet taken on mandated reports, some more than five years old, pertaining to the need for appropriate restructuring for better functioning of the CARICOM Secretariat, the Heads of Government decided at their Nassau meeting to now establish a sub-committee, comprised of some of them, to consider the ‘role and status’ of the relationship between the Community Secretariat and the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM); and the latter's relationship with the Council for Trade and Economic Development (COTED).

Why this has emerged in 2008 as such a priority is yet to be officially explained, other than that the initiative for this sub-committee has come against the backdrop of known tension in relations between the CRNM and the Secretariat.

A significance of relevance, on this issue, is the notable omission of St Vincent and the Grenadines from this sub-committee, since it pertains to forms of governance and for which the administration of Prime Minister, Ralph Gonsalves currently holds lead responsibility among the Heads of Government.

Incidentally, St Vincent and the Grenadines is also absent from the seven-member

Prime Ministerial Sub-committee on Functional Cooperation that was created at the Nassau meeting, when it is known that the government in Kingstown currently holds lead responsibility for a most vital area in functional co-operation--air and sea transportation.

Unless, of course, in their wisdom, the new ‘conceptual clarification’ on functional cooperation does not recognise the imperatives of such cooperation at a time of region-wide public discontent.

Functional Cooperation

Nevertheless, it is encouraging that our Heads of Government seem determined to make functional cooperation more meaningful in the lives of nationals of the Caribbean Community.

Consequently, they have accepted the report of an eight-member Task Force on Functional Cooperation and approved the creation of the Prime Ministerial Sub-committee to advance the objectives.

But what does it all mean? For a start, ‘functional cooperation’ has been one of the three main pillars of CARICOM, as outlined in the Treaty of Chaguaramas that brought it into existence back in July 1973.

The two other ‘pillars’ were identified as ‘economic integration’ -- which has always had a primary focus -- and ‘foreign policy coordination’. Within recent years the enormous challenges posed by the epidemic of crime and violence have compelled CARICOM Heads of Government to establish ‘crime and security’ as the 'fourth pillar' of the Community.

The Task Force, established in July 2007 to assess the state of functional cooperation and make recommendations to elevate its place in the march towards the CSME), offered a ‘conceptual clarification’ that more adequately fits the role as a practical and supportive pillar in the overall quest to attain the primary objectives of the region's integration movement.

Over the years, the dominant features of functional cooperation have been in health, education, culture, broadcasting and information; transportation (air and shipping), meteorological services and hurricane insurance; disaster preparedness, intra-regional public service; harmonisation of the law and legal systems of member states; social security, labour administration and industrial relations; technological and scientific research.

Task Force

The Task Force that was established with a mandate to assess the state of functional cooperation and responses to current and future challenges comprised CARICOM nationals of varying expertise and wide experiences.

Among them were Professor Sir George Alleyne, current Chancellor of the University of the West Indies, along with Dr Edward Greene, chairman of the Task Force, and CARICOM's Assistant Secretary-General for Human and Social Development, both key players in last year's special meeting in Port-of-Spain on functional cooperation.

The other Task Force members were Dr Roderick Rainford, a former CARICOM Secretary- General, Professor Denis Benn, Angela Cropper, Jimmy Emmanuel, Dr Carissa Eitenne and Leon Higgs.

The report of the Task Force should serve as a useful tool in helping CARICOM to expand and deepen functional cooperation. A pertinent question, however, is whether the Prime Ministerial Sub-committee on Functional Cooperation, established at the recent CARICOM summit in Nassau, is appropriately comprised to be a vanguard mechanism to accelerate and oversee implementation of decisions.

It has not escaped attention that the chairman of this sub-committee, The Bahamas' Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham, represents a CARICOM state that is not a signatory to the CSME, and is generally viewed as being on the periphery of the regional integration movement.

The criteria for choosing members of Prime Ministerial Sub-committees have never been well explained. Therefore, with the latest creation of another such sub-committee -- now on Functional Cooperation -- there would be renewed interest in critical assessments of the results flowing from such governance mechanisms, as well as from the CARICOM Bureau itself as a ‘management committee’ that meets between regular Heads of Government and Inter-Sessional conferences.